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Pain, Rachel. 2014. “Everyday terrorism: Connecting domestic violence and global terrorism.” Progress in Human Geography 38 (4):531550. doi: 10.1177/0309132513512231.

This paper remaps the geographies of terrorism. Everyday terrorism (domestic violence) and global terrorism are related attempts to exert political control through fear. Geographical research on violence neatly reflects the disproportionate recognition and resourcing that global terrorism receives from the state. The paper explores the parallels, shared foundations and direct points of connection between everyday and global terrorisms. It does so across four interrelated themes: multiscalar politics and securities, fear and trauma, public recognition and recovery, and the inequitable nature of counter-terrorisms. It concludes with implications for addressing terrorisms and for future research.

Factors influencing attitudes to violence against women.

Flood, Michael & Bob Pease (2009). Trauma, Violence, & Abuse 10(2): 125-142.

Attitudes toward mens violence against women shape both the perpetration of violence against women and responses to this violence by the victim and others around her. For these reasons, attitudes are the target of violence-prevention campaigns. To improve understanding of the determinants of violence against women and to aid the development of violence-prevention efforts, this article reviews the factors that shape attitudes toward violence against women. It offers a framework with which to comprehend the complex array of influences on attitudes toward violent behavior perpetrated by men against women. Two clusters of factors, associated with gender and culture, have an influence at multiple levels of the social order on attitudes regarding violence. Further factors operate at individual, organizational, communal, or societal levels in particular, although their influence may overlap across multiple levels. This article concludes with recommendations regarding efforts to improve attitudes toward violence against women.

Stop Rape Now? Masculinity, Responsibility, and Conflict-related Sexual Violence

Grey, R. and L. J. Shepherd (2012). “Stop Rape Now? Masculinity, Responsibility, and Conflict-related Sexual Violence.” Men and Masculinities.
Inspired by the themes of violence, masculinity and responsibility, this article investigates the visibility of male victims/survivors of conflict-related sexual violence in war. Despite the passing of UNSCR 1820 in 2008, the formulation of UN ACTION (United Nations Action Against Sexual Violence in Conflict), and the appointment of a United Nations Special Representative of the Secretary-General to lead policy and practice in this issue area, we argue here that male survivors/victims remain a marginal concern, which has, among other consequences, profound implications for the facilities that exist to support male victims/survivors during and after periods of active conflict. In the first section of the article, we provide an overview of the contemporary academic literature on rape in war, not only to act as the foundation for the analytical work that follows but also to illustrate the argument that male survivors/victims of sexualised violence in war are near-invisible in the majority of literature on this topic. Second, we turn our analytical lens to the policy environment charged with addressing sexualised violence in conflict. Through a discourse analysis focussed on the website of UN ACTION (www.stoprapenow.org), we demonstrate that this lack of vision in academic work maps directly to a lack of visibility in the policy arena. The third section of the article explores the arrangements in place within extant peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction programmes that aim to facilitate recovery with victims/survivors of sexualised violence in war. We conclude with reflections on the themes of violence, masculinity and responsibility in the context of sexualised violence in war and suggest that in this context all privileged actors have a responsibility to theorise violence with careful attention to gender in order to avoid perpetuating models of masculinity and war-rape that have potentially pernicious effects.

Gender Relations as Causal in Militarization and War

Cockburn, C. (2010). “Gender Relations as Causal in Militarization and War.” International Feminist Journal of Politics 12(2): 139-157.
Based on empirical research among women’s antiwar organizations worldwide, the article derives a feminist oppositional standpoint on militarization and war. From this standpoint, patriarchal gender relations are seen to be intersectional with economic and ethno-national power relations in perpetuating a tendency to armed conflict in human societies. The feminism generated in antiwar activism tends to be holistic, and understands gender in patriarchy as a relation of power underpinned by coercion and violence. The cultural features of militarization and war readily perceived by women positioned in or close to armed conflict, and their sense of war as systemic and as a continuum, make its gendered nature visible. There are implications in this perspective for antiwar movements. If gender relations are one of the root causes of war, a feminist programme of gender transformation is a necessary component of the pursuit of peace.

Everyday terrorism: Connecting domestic violence and global terrorism.

Pain, R. (2014). “Everyday terrorism: Connecting domestic violence and global terrorism.” Progress in Human Geography.
This paper remaps the geographies of terrorism. Everyday terrorism (domestic violence) and global terrorism are related attempts to exert political control through fear. Geographical research on violence neatly reflects the disproportionate recognition and resourcing that global terrorism receives from the state. The paper explores the parallels, shared foundations and direct points of connection between everyday and global terrorisms. It does so across four interrelated themes: multiscalar politics and securities, fear and trauma, public recognition and recovery, and the inequitable nature of counter-terrorisms. It concludes with implications for addressing terrorisms and for future research.

Intersectionality and Multiple Inequalities: Visibility in British Policy on Violence Against Women

Strid, S., S. Walby, et al. (2013). “Intersectionality and Multiple Inequalities: Visibility in British Policy on Violence Against Women.” Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 20(4): 558-581.
Intersectionalities have long been theorised. It is time to move on to empirical testing of intersectionality theory in order to develop it further. The paper analyses visibility of multiple intersecting inequalities in policy on violence against women in Britain. It finds and develops a continuum of inclusion of multiple inequalities to analyse visibility in policy, ranging from the simple naming of inequalities, the intersection of inequalities, and fields of violence and policy domains, to the inclusion of the voices of minoritised women. It is proposed that while recognition of intersectionality is required for good quality policy, it is the way in which this is achieved that is particularly important. We argue that the implications of previous research that finds silencing of groups positioned at the point of intersection of two or more inequalities and invisibility of multiple inequalities in policy need to be re-thought. Previous research showing silencing and invisibility is based on a too narrow understanding of the concept of intersectionality and has not taken sufficiently into account the implications of the politico-discursive process of degendering.

Do rights at home boost rights abroad? Sexual equality and humanitarian foreign policy.

Brysk, A. and A. Mehta (2013). “Do rights at home boost rights abroad? Sexual equality and humanitarian foreign policy.” Journal of Peace Research.
Does women’s empowerment strengthen global good citizenship? We test theories of democratic foreign policy and feminist international relations that suggest that more deeply democratic countries with greater gender equity will be stronger international human rights promoters. First, the direct empowerment of women as policymakers and civil society constituencies may shift states’ incentives and ability to pursue international human rights initiatives. Second, greater sexual equality may lead to feminist socialization of the wider society to promote human rights values. We test these predictions by measuring the relationship between five different measures of sexual equality and a country’s propensity to support 30 international human rights outcomes, including legal commitments, humanitarian assistance, and sanctions, controlling for previously established contributing factors such as level of development and democratic regime type. We find that more sexually equal countries are more likely to support international commitments to constrain state violence against individuals, international measures to combat gender and sexual orientation discrimination, and more and higher quality development assistance. However, sexual equality appears to yield less benefit for more costly human rights initiatives: yielding sovereignty to international legal institutions, promoting economic rights through concessionary trade policies, or adopting diplomatic sanctions against pariah states. These effects are stronger in democratic states, where citizen empowerment translates more readily into foreign policy, and are also found in a sample that excludes the Western powers.

Gender and ‘Positive’ Security.

Roe, P. (2013). “Gender and ‘Positive’ Security.” International Relations.
Focusing predominantly on the works of Ken Booth and Bill McSweeney, this article explores how the normative commitment of the two writers to the individual referent and to a set of values constitutive of human agency is reflective of a more “positive” security. In particular, the article focuses on how in their formulation of values, both Booth (security as emancipation) and McSweeney (ontological security) draw on gender and feminist approaches and, importantly, how critical feminist scholarship can profitably be used to reconcile concentration on both the global and the local, thus providing greater conceptual clarity and empirical grounding to the positive security project.

The Civic Origins of Progressive Policy Change: Combating Violence against Women in Global Perspective, 1975-2005.

Htun, M. and S. L. Weldon (2012). “The Civic Origins of Progressive Policy Change: Combating Violence against Women in Global Perspective, 1975-2005.” American Political Science Review 106(3): 548-569.

http://journals.cambridge.org/download.php?file=%2FPSR%2FPSR106_03%2FS0003055412000226a.pdf&code=91800b35d61495b8e4a6c55bf429b91c

Also see: http://www.oxfamblogs.org/fp2p/?p=15541
Over the past four decades, violence against women (VAW) has come to be seen as a violation of human rights and an important concern for social policy. Yet government action remains uneven. Some countries have adopted comprehensive policies to combat VAW, whereas others have been slow to address the problem. Using an original dataset of social movements and VAW policies in 70 countries over four decades, we show that feminist mobilization in civil society – not intra-legislative political phenomena such as leftist parties or women in government or economic factors like national wealth – accounts for variation in policy development. In addition, we demonstrate that autonomous movements produce an enduring impact on VAWpolicy through the institutionalization of feminist ideas in international norms. This study brings national and global civil society into large-n explanations of social policy, arguing that analysis of civil society in general, and of social movements in particular, is critical to understanding progressive social policy change.

Can tracking rape in conflict prevent genocide?

By ; August 7, 2013 Women Under Siege http://www.womenundersiegeproject.org/blog/entry/can-tracking-rape-in-conflict-prevent-genocide

Just as rape and other forms of sexualized violence have historically been viewed as a “natural” part of war, they have often been recognized as occurring in genocide but not necessarily as an act of genocide in itself.